Lesbian Domestic Violence: unseen, unheard and discounted Jude Irwin Department of Social Work,
- rrshakir
- Jul 31, 2014
- 8 min read
Domestic violence in heterosexual relationships has been on the agenda of feminist activists, lawyers,
police, health and welfare practitioners, and public policy analysts for almost two decades. However the
existence of violence in lesbian relationships has taken much longer to acknowledge and, for many, there is
still an level of disbelief around this issue. However more recently the existence and extent of lesbian
domestic violence has become a topic of debate within the lesbian community and also the community at
large. As a consequence there has been the development of literature and research (see for example Lobell,
1986; Pharr 1986, Renzetti, 1992; Renzetti & Miley, 1996).
The data presented in this paper is drawn from a research study which explored lesbians experiences of
domestic violence, specifically in relation to support services they accessed. The focus of this particular
paper is on lesbian’s experiences of police intervention in domestic abuse incidents.
Background
There is little dispute about the existence of lesbian domestic violence but there is dispute in the literature
and research about how widespread it is. In the USA some studies estimate that seventeen percent of
lesbians experience domestic violence while others estimate the numbers to be as high as seventy three
percent ((Marguiles 1996). In Australia there have been no prevalence studies which makes it difficult to
estimate the extent of lesbian domestic violence. However anecdotal evidence would suggest that it is
widespread. Many of the forms of abuse that lesbians experience are similar to those experienced by
heterosexual women including physical (eg hitting, kicking and use of a weapon, destruction of
possessions), emotional (eg public denigration, belittling, blackmail, threats of abuse, interruption of eating
and sleeping patterns), sexual (eg forced sex and rape), financial (eg not contributing income, having
control over all assets and money, demanding financial support) and social (eg isolation from family and
friends). However as well as similarities there are also differences. Most of these are related to the
homophobic views about lesbians and the consequent discriminatory attitudes and behaviour. This has
many implications for lesbians who are abused including the lack of appropriate support services and
negative attitudes and practices of some personnel in mainstream services.
The research
The main aim of this research project was to explore the experiences of women who self identified as survivors
of lesbian domestic violence - to give them the opportunity of ‘speaking’ about their experience - a chance to
‘break the silence’. A semi-structured interview was used for this purpose. It was considered that this would
encourage lesbians to talk about their experiences in a way that was not constrained by a questionnaire or highly
structured interview schedule. The participants generally talked freely about their background, their
experiences of abuse, their sources of support and where relevant their use of health welfare and legal services.
The initial interview took between an hour and a half and three hours. The interviews were transcribed and
returned to the women for comment. Most of the women participated in a second interview, the purpose of
which was allow them to comment on the transcript of the first interview and if they wished to elaborate on its
the content. In some situations, however, a second interview was not possible.
A picture of the participants
There were twenty-one participants in the research. They came from all states in Australia except Tasmania
and the Northern Territory and included lesbians living in both rural and urban areas. Participants included
lesbians who were Indigenous Australians, Anglo Australians and lesbians from non-English speaking
backgrounds. The ages of the participants ranged between 22 and 57. Their occupations were varied and 2
included teachers, social workers, lawyers, nurses, beauty consultants and factory workers. For the majority
of participants, their experiences of abuse had been in the previous two years, but for some it had been
several years previously. For all participants these experiences had a powerful effect on their lives. All of the
women had experienced multiple forms of abuse.
The policing of lesbian domestic violence
The remaining part of this paper will elaborate the participant’s views of the police responses in their
attendance and follow up of incidents of lesbian domestic violence. The participants had widely differing
experiences in relation to police involvement in these domestic violence incidents. For some lesbians these
experiences were positive, for others these were negative and for others their experiences were a mixture of
both positive and negative. In analysis of the interviews the responses of the participants covered into three
main areas. These were whether to contact the police, the action (or not) taken by the police took and views
on police responses. These will now be explored in detail.
Police - contact or no contact
Nine of the twenty one women who participated in the study had contact with the police (see table 1). All of
these women had experienced multiple forms of abuse, one of which was physical abuse. In all situations in
which the police were involved physical abuse was present in combination with other forms of abuse. In
four of these situations the women experienced extremely severe abuse which included physical, emotional,
sexual, financial and social abuse. This included rape with a beer bottle, forced sex, an attempted drowning,
being threatened with a knife and gun, being severely beaten, being tied up and beaten, being urinated on,
being isolated from family and friends, being held captive.
Because I was just - I was bruised, it was terrible. Around my neck. I had scratches. I was just - well,
this whole side of my face, the left hand side of my face was just one massive bruise. From her
punching and grabbing the hair and slamming the face into the concrete. And - yes, I was almost bald
from the hair that was pulled out. So I just got in the car and drove. I was stunned, I think. If I had
been thinking correctly, it probably would have been better to go to the local police.
For two of these women their experience was over a prolonged period of time as, despite the extreme abuse,
they found it difficult to disentangle themselves from a relationship that had initially promised so much. For
the other two women the abuse was over a shorter time span but extremely severe, with prolonged physical
and emotional effects. 3
Table 1 Type of Abuse and Police Involvement
Physical Emotional Sexual Financial Social
Police 9 9 4 7 9
No
police
6 11 2 6 8
TOTAL 15 20 6 13 17
The other five situations in which the police were called also involved multiple forms of abuse, one of
which included physical abuse. These situations were also severe and had lasting effects, but did not include
the life threatening experiences of the four referred to earlier.
There were six participants who experienced physical abuse (in combination with other forms of abuse) who
did not contact the police. Their reasons for not involving the police related mainly to not being believed,
not wanting to be ‘out’ to the police and considering that there would not be a positive outcome.
I think the police say “What do I care? They’re women.” I mean, number one, I don’t think - the
police, they wouldn’t really see our relationship as a real relationship anyway. And they’d
probably say something like “just work it out yourselves”. Or “get out of the situation”.
My abuse came from non consensual S/M - who would ever believe me let alone take action. I
didn’t agree to her tying me up and leaving me by myself for two days. I thought I was going to
die but who would believe that certainly not the coppers
Many of the women talked about their shame at involving anyone particularly the police especially when
they themselves were involved in working to prevent domestic violence. However for some this worked
positively.
I was feeling a bit like a fraud especially in a country town, where I was the chairperson of the
domestic violence action group, and later on I ended up having to take restraining orders and
involve police in my stuff. But I must say, amongst all that, they have all been remarkably discreet.
And very respectful. And I think because I have really good credibility, and because I won’t take
any shit from anyone, like “OK no, you’re not going to fucking breach the confidentiality. You will
treat me-”. And so I hadn’t gone into the victim mode thing. I’ve gone, “I’ve got rights here. I
might have been injured by this person, but these are the things I know your system can do.” So
they respected that. And they’ve been very respectful, the police.
The six participants who had not experienced physical abuse but had experienced a range of abuses did not
even contemplate calling the police. They, like many heterosexual women in these situations, were of the
view unless their was physical abuse then it was very difficult to substantiate and there was no point in
contacting the police.
4
I didn’t think it would be taken seriously - who believes women abuse
I was too ashamed to tell anyone
How can I prove what she did - it had a profound effect on me. It was because it wasn’t physical that it
took me so long to call it abuse and by then I was a quivering mess and couldn’t do anything
For some women the decision to call the police was a difficult one. For one this was because of her partner’s
previous experiences with police.
I called the police and that was a really hard decision, cause I knew she’d had a hard life. She told
me she’d been pack raped by the XXX police. So that was hard. And she was a woman. And I don’t
use police. I just don’t use them - you know, it’s not my way. And I’ve never had need to.
Another woman commented on her reticence to call the police because of the experiences she had in a South
American country where the police were violent and oppressive. However the violence was so extreme at times,
that either she or her neighbours did call the police. This woman was also ashamed that occasionally she had to
constrain her partner and was fearful that this would be constructed as her also being abusive.
Because she used to slap me or hit me or punch me in front of C [eight year old child] and I couldn’t
do nothing - I never hurt her. I used to hold her wrists. Because she’s tiny. She’s only size 8. She’s
smaller than me. She’s such a strong person, physically - like an ox. And I didn’t want to get in
trouble, first of all with the law, with police, I didn’t want to hurt her. I didn’t want to put myself in
that position that I’d have to go to prison for nothing. It was not my fault. The second thing, I was in
love with her. How can I hurt somebody that I love? So I couldn’t hurt her. And she always had, you
know, dangerous stuff like knives and scissors. And wooden spoons. Even chairs - she used to get the
chairs. She used to break all the furniture
Police - action or inaction?
In only one of the incidents where police were called did they assist the women to take out an AVO. In two
situations they assisted the women to return to the premises to collect personal belongings. However in
neither situation did the police initiate taking out an Apprehended Violence Order nor charge the
perpetrator of the abuse.

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